I have alot of self-esteem, which is amazing. Cause I am probably somebody who wouldn't necessarily have alot of self-esteem... As I am considered a Minority.
If you are a woman, a person of color, gay/lesbian/bisexual/trans-gender, a person of size, a person of intelligence, a person of integrity... Then you are considered a Minority in this world.
Posted on 05 June 2007Comments (0) Tags: Uncategorized
May 1968 (in this context usually spelled May ‘68) is the name given to a series of events that started with a student strike in France. It turned into a general strike which paralyzed parts of the country and led to the eventual collapse of the de Gaulle government. Most of the protesters espoused left-wing causes, communism or anarchism, though most mainstream leftist parties distanced themselves from the students and worked with the police and government to end the revolt. Many saw the events as an opportunity to shake up the “old society” in many social aspects, including methods of education, sexual freedom and free love. While some of the same leftists who worked against workers and students now call “May ‘68″ a failure from a political point-of-view, it was a significant revolutionary moment in the 20th century.
It began as a series of student strikes that broke out at a number of universities and high schools in Paris, following confrontations with university administrators and the police. The de Gaulle administration’s attempts to quash those strikes by further police action only inflamed the situation further, leading to street battles with the police in the Latin Quarter, followed by a general strike by students and strikes throughout France by ten million French workers, roughly two-thirds of the French workforce. The protests reached the point that de Gaulle created a military operations headquarters to deal with the unrest, dissolved the National Assembly and called for new parliamentary elections for 23 June 1968.
The government was close to collapse at that point (De Gaulle had even taken temporary refuge at an airforce base in Germany), but the revolutionary situation evaporated almost as quickly as it arose. Workers went back to their jobs, after a series of deceptions carried out by the Confédération Générale du Travail, the leftist union federation, and the Parti Communiste Français (PCF), the French Communist Party. When the elections were finally held in June, the Gaullist party emerged even stronger than before.
On 22 March leftist groups, including 150 students, invaded an administration building at Nanterre University and held a meeting in the university council room, in the name of the Enragés, who were allied with the Situationist International. René Riesel immediately demanded the expulsion of two observers from the administration and of several Stalinists who were present. After a spokesmen for the anarchists, a regular collaborator of Cohn-Bendit’s, had asserted that “the Stalinists who are here this evening are no longer Stalinists,” the Enragés immediately left the meeting in protest against this cowardly illusion. The Enragés left and the 22 March Movement carried on confusedly without, and against the Enragés who had had begun the agitations in the first place. Cohn Bendit later became a leader and spokesman and stepped into the limelight.
The Sorbonne administration responded by calling the police, who surrounded the university and arrested students as they tried to leave the campus. When other students gathered to stop the police vans from taking away the arrested students, the riot police responded by launching tear gas into the crowd. Rather than dispersing the students, the tear gas only brought more students to the scene, where they blocked the exit of the vans. The police finally prevailed, but only after arresting hundreds of students.
Following months of conflicts between students and authorities at the University of Paris at Nanterre, the administration shut down that university on 2 May 1968. Students at the University of the Sorbonne in Paris met on 3 May to protest against the closure and the threatened expulsion of several students at Nanterre. On Monday, 6 May, the national student union, the UNEF - still the largest student union in France today - and the union of university teachers called a march to protest against the police invasion of the Sorbonne. More than 20,000 students, teachers and supporters marched towards the Sorbonne, still sealed off by the police, who charged, wielding their batons, as soon as the marchers approached. While the crowd dispersed, some began to create barricades out of whatever was at hand, while others threw paving stones, forcing the police to retreat for a time. The police then responded with tear gas and charged the crowd again. Hundreds more students were arrested.
High school students started to go out on strike in support of the students at the Sorbonne and Nanterre on 6 May. The next day they joined the students, teachers and increasing numbers of young workers who gathered at the Arc de Triomphe to demand that: (1) all criminal charges against arrested students be dropped, (2) the police leave the university, and (3) the authorities reopen Nanterre and the Sorbonne. Negotiations broke down after students returned to their campuses, after a false report that the government had agreed to reopen them, only to discover the police still occupying the schools.
On Friday 10 May, another huge crowd congregated on the Rive Gauche. When the riot police again blocked them from crossing the river, the crowd again threw up barricades, which the police then attacked at 2:15 in the morning after negotiations once again foundered. The confrontation, which produced hundreds of arrests and injuries, lasted until dawn of the following day. The events were broadcast on radio as they occurred and the aftermath was shown on television the following day. Allegations were made that the police had participated, through agents provocateurs, in the riots, by burning cars and throwing molotov cocktails [1].
The government’s heavy-handed reaction brought on a wave of sympathy for the strikers. The Parti Communiste Français (PCF) reluctantly supported the students, whom it regarded as adventurists and anarchists, and the major left union federations, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) and the Force Ouvrière (CGT-FO) called a one day general strike and demonstration for Monday, 13 May.
Over a million people marched through Paris on that day; the police stayed largely out of sight. Prime Minister Georges Pompidou personally announced the release of the prisoners and the reopening of the Sorbonne. The surge of strikes did not, however, recede.
When the Sorbonne reopened, students occupied it and declared it an autonomous “people’s university”. Approximately 401 popular “action committees” were set up in Paris and elsewhere in the weeks that followed to take up grievances against the government.
In the following days workers began occupying factories, starting with a sit-down strike at the Sud Aviation plant near the city of Nantes on 14 May, then another strike at a Renault parts plant near Rouen, which spread to the Renault manufacturing complexes at Flins in the Seine Valley and the Paris suburb of Boulogne-Billancourt. By 16 May workers had occupied roughly fifty factories and by 17 May 200,000 were on strike. That figure snowballed to two million workers on strike the following day and then ten million, or roughly two-thirds of the French workforce, on strike the following week.
These strikes were not led by the union movement; on the contrary, the CGT tried to contain this spontaneous outbreak of militancy by channeling it into a struggle for higher wages and other economic demands. Workers put forward a broader, more political and more radical agenda, demanding the ousting of the government and President de Gaulle and attempting, in some cases, to run their factories. When the trade union leadership negotiated a 35% increase in the minimum wage, a 7% wage increase for other workers, and half normal pay for the time on strike with the major employers’ associations, the workers occupying their factories refused to return to work and jeered their union leaders, even though this deal was better than what they could have obtained only a month earlier.
On May 27, the meeting of the Union Nationale des Étudiants de France (national Union of the students of France), most outstanding of the events of May 68, proceeded and gathered 30,000 to 50,000 people in the Stade Sebastien Charlety.
On 30 May several hundred thousand protesters (300,000 to 400,000, many more than the 50,000 the police were expecting) led by the CGT marched through Paris, chanting, “Adieu, de Gaulle!” (Meaning: “Goodbye, De Gaulle.”)
While the government appeared to be close to collapse, de Gaulle remained firm. Instead, after ensuring that he had sufficient loyal military units mobilized to back him if push came to shove, he went on the radio the following day (the national television service was on strike) to announce the dissolution of the National Assembly, with elections to follow on 23 June. He ordered workers to return to work, threatening to institute a state of emergency if they did not.
Posted on 02 June 2007Comments (0) Tags: Uncategorized
Hearing this song definitely makes me chilled… Just one of the best classic chill outs that I have heard. Good stuff! [Nice mellow tune and a chilled video.]
I just want to grab my mat, pillows and candles and set a camp here at work. LOL. [Ika nga If I could, I would… But I couldn’t, so I wont! HA HA HA… Yare!]
Posted on 16 May 2007Comments (0) Tags: Uncategorized
Only with mellow Are you thin enough to slide through, Don’t let nothin’ ride u, If the sun or the moon would give way to doubt, They would immediately go out. Only one swallow doesn’t make a summer But u gotta start somewhere
Posted on 24 April 2007Comments (2) Tags: Uncategorized
Lounge is not just a sound, it’s a way of life. A religion if you will.
No regrets Everything will work out fine We’ll hold our breath Wait for another sign I’ve tastedYour bittersweet faith My heart aches for you I’m taking A moment to say Everything I doI do for youI do it all for you Lay your sweet Tears across my broken dream Don’t you speak A word about the past You’ll need more than I’ll ever give I can’t lie to youI love you My angel, my sin Everything I do I do for you I do it all for you Anything, anything for you Are we’re moving in the right direction What is fate if fate’s immersed in shame A high price for the beauty of perfectionI go when all I want to do is stayI do for youI do it all for you Anything, I do it all for you Anything for you
Nasa Pinas
